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Fwd.us: Another Failed Silicon Valley Experiment in Technocratic Social Change

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Fwd.us, Mark Zuckerberg’s widely reviled, rapidly dissolving Washington DC lobby group, heralds itself as the bringer of “different and innovative tactics” to the usual Beltway brand of back room politicking. As has become abundantly clear over the past few weeks, the reality of Fwd.us is anything but that. Zuckerberg’s DC outfit has not only failed to bring anything new to its approach to the pay-to-play, back-scratching culture of Congress, but has in fact made the most cynical kind of Machiavellian horse trading into its signature style. As Branch.com CEO Josh Miller has noted, it’s a style identical to that of the pharmaceutical and gun lobbies.

How did so many smart and powerful people so quickly and thoroughly screw up such a simple and straightforward task? As Fwd.us never tires of pointing out, its founders and contributors are the A-list set of Silicon Valley luminaries: people like Bill Gates, Marissa Mayer, Sean Parker, and, before he withdrew in protest, Elon Musk. The immediate legislative objective of the organization, by the standards of the political kingdom whose castle it aimed to storm, isn’t exactly world historical. Fwd.us is committed to spending lots of tech cash to help pass bipartisan immigration reform, an issue that’s already at the very front of the President’s legislative agenda and one for which both parties are under extraordinary popular pressure to strike a compromise. What’s more, Fwd.us’ core constituency in Silicon Valley is already united in consensus behind the group’s position. After jumping into the fray at the eleventh hour, all Fwd.us had to do was to keep up the appearance of being a formidable player in negotiations for long enough for a bill to be passed, and then bow for the unearned applause. As one unimpressed tech lobbyist told The New Republic:

“They’re taking an issue where a win was already in sight, and basically they were going to try to get credit. There seemed to be almost a hubris. ‘All the people who’d been lobbying on this for years, they’re incompetent, it’s only when we, Zuckerberg’s group, gets involved in it, that we can turn the tide.’”

Now, barely a month after its first birthday, a Google News search for “fwd.us” serves up page after page of stories about the backlash the group brought upon itself from environmentalists, progressive organizations and its own erstwhile tech industry boosters for its strategy of running ads applauding regressive social and environmental positions by senators whose votes Fwd.us is trying to buy. Not a sentence in any of them speaks to any meaningful contribution the group has made to the overall reform effort. For all the press it has garnered, Fwd.us’ own “In the News” web page includes only one article dated after the group’s launch — and that article doesn’t even mention Fwd.us.

Fwd.us’ spectacular failure has much to do with the hubris of its founders, but it also has something to do with the myopically technocratic culture of the business world, and, in particular, Silicon Valley. The pervasive assumption among politically engaged business leaders that intractable social problems are merely technical puzzles to be solved by disinterested and enlightened experts is problematic enough on its own, especially when it’s a hallmark of the President’s own worldview. When those same simplistic notions are married to one’s understanding of the political process itself, the outcome is even more disastrous.

Fwd.us’ leaders seemed to believe they could run a high-profile political campaign in the same way as a product development initiative: by throwing a lot of money in the pot, hiring very smart people, giving them the space to do what they do best, and keeping a lid on what information gets out to the public. It’s a managerial approach to politics that’s practically designed to fail. As anyone who’s not paid to believe otherwise could have told them, the most successful issue advocacy efforts are not the ones run by cliques of secretive, well-compensated consultants; they’re the ones that have movements behind them.

The Obama administration learned the difference between the two during its first term, when the President was forced to match up his insular, expert-approved inside game on the stimulus bill and on healthcare reform with the spreading wildfire of the Tea Party movement. Obama got his bills in the end, but only after exhausting his limited bank of political capital in an interminable campaign of asymmetrical warfare with an opponent that got stronger the longer the struggle dragged out. Obama won his narrow legislative victories, but he lost his Congressional majorities in the process.

Later, the Tea Party movement itself learned a similar lesson. Caught in a power struggle between local grassroots activists and the seasoned Astroturf professionals at Freedomworks and Americans For Prosperity, local Tea Party leaders who chose to side with the latter found themselves branded as traitors to the founding principles of the movement. As it turned out, the fresh-faced activists who fueled the fire of the Tea Party movement cared about more than mere short term political victories for the GOP political operatives who hoisted their banner. They wanted to shape the world in their own image, and after a short-lived honeymoon with the Republican Party establishment, they found that it wasn’t Nancy Pelosi, but the professional DC co-opters who stood in their way.

Tech industry rhetoric about “crowdsourcing” and “disruptive innovation” aside, the kinds of messy, bottom-up, confrontational movements that fundamentally transform politics are alien species in the boardrooms of Silicon Valley. Successful business leaders excel at developing practical solutions to identifiable problems in a relatively constrained arena of entrepreneurs, investors and consumers. That is the world of the marketplace. It is not the world of political engagement.

Behind the immigration reform effort is what is arguably the most widespread, powerful and enduring movement since the Civil Rights era. It’s a movement that will prove to dwarf the Tea Party in its scope and longevity. It is this movement, and the demographic shifts that are adding to its ranks every day, that moves the needle inexorably toward passage of a comprehensive immigration reform bill. Whatever Mark Zuckerberg and his colleagues add to this historical tide are but drops in the bucket, which is exactly what makes their tactics of expediency — of sacrificing critical environmental issues that truly are in precarious shape to serve their narrow organizational goals — so odious and unnecessary.

Zuckerberg’s defenders — the few that are left — will undoubtedly point to naïvety to the sausage-making ways of Washington on the part of Fwd.us’ detractors. Some already have. And in a fight on another issue, perhaps they’d be right. Sometimes, the kinds of unseemly trade-offs that are at the center of Fwd.us’ lobbying strategy are just the regrettable price to pay for representative democracy. But on this issue, Fwd.us’ tactic isn’t just cynical, it’s gratuitous. The movement behind immigration reform doesn’t need Mark Zuckerberg; at this point, he’s a peripheral and ridiculous distraction at best.

What is truly naïve is the remarkable notion that a handful of tech industry titans can step in front of a social movement, cut a few checks and change history. That’s the fantasy behind Zuckerberg’s vision of Fwd.us, just as it was the fantasy behind his faux heroism in forking $100 million over to Newark public schools while the cameras were rolling on Oprah, with questionable accountability and transparency. Washington (like Newark) may be a hopelessly corrupt place, but meaningful social change is still a harder task than that, even for the digital technocrats of the ruling class.

Mark Zuckerberg’s Flailing New Lobby Group Represents Everything That’s Wrong With DC

Mark Zuckerberg's new DC lobbying group is already a failure

Within about a month of the debut of Fwd.us, Mark Zuckerberg’s new DC lobby outfit aimed at promoting immigration reform, the group is already falling apart. If this week is any indication, the meltdown will be as spectacular and ignoble as every other ill-conceived, overfunded start-up in the Valley.

Fwd.us’ political problems began the way they usually do: with a cynical, too-cute-by-half strategy adopted by his Beltway proxies. Fwd.us’ approach amounted to this: buy the votes of key lawmakers by dumping money into ads in their home states on issues that are useful to them but that Mark Zuckerberg doesn’t care about. What that has meant in practice is running commercials supporting South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham for his bold opposition to Obamacare and his support of the Keystone XL Pipeline, and applauding Alaska Senator Mark Begich for his support for drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Since Fwd.us doesn’t want its own brand associated with such unsavory positions, it’s done what “special interests” always do: it has set up ad hoc shell groups to front its ad buys, in this case, “Americans for a Conservative Direction” and the “Council for American Job Growth”.

The problem with this approach, Zuckerberg is learning, is that when you pull together a coalition to fund your lobbying campaign, it’s not enough just to grease your way into political influence in the Capitol. You also have to answer to the people who cut your checks. That’s especially difficult when some of them have actual integrity.

Today, PayPal billionaire/Tesla founder Elon Musk pulled out of Fwd.us, objecting to the group’s crass exploitation of “other important causes” in its myopic pursuit of its immigration policy agenda. He was joined by another PayPal alum, David Sacks.

It’s incredible to conceive of Zuckerberg not seeing this coming. After the ANWR and Keystone Pipeline ads ran, the Sierra Club, the League of Conservation Voters, MoveOn.org and a number of other groups put out a joint statement condemning the tactic and announcing their suspension of ad buys on Facebook. Musk’s entire business persona rests on his reputation as a visionary of sustainability and green entrepreneurialism. Even if he’d wanted to, it would have been all but impossible for Musk to continue participating in Fwd.us after it had been exposed for shoveling his money into ads supporting fossil fuels and Big Oil.

Another, more subtle design flaw in Fwd.us’ cynical approach is noted by an anonymous “tech lobbyist” in an article in Forbes:

One tech lobbyist says the approach, by avoiding any mention of the immigration debate itself, sends the message that FWD.us is “afraid of its own issue. They’re saying, ‘We want you to vote for this, but we don’t want to get you in trouble.’”

Of course, it may well be that Fwd.us is afraid of its own issue. Zuckerberg, after all, isn’t interested in immigration reform as a human right; he’s interested in facilitating Facebook’s acquisition of work visas for foreign-born software engineers. Narrow as it is, that’s not necessarily an objectionable policy goal in its own right. But nor is it a font of moral conviction burning in the heart of a champion for the nation’s oppressed. This is Mark Zuckerberg we’re talking about.

Fwd.us’ lobbying approach reflects the worst of DC-style politics: it’s cynical, it’s transactional, and it’s predicated on using critically important social and ecological issues as pawns in a chess game. Worse for Zuckerberg, it’s ineffective. Filled with Silicon Valley hubris, Fwd.us boasts about its “innovative” and “disruptive” approach to politics. But so far, the crude tactics it has adopted are as old as politics itself, and clumsily handled at that. To pull off a strategy as calculated and risk-fraught as this one, at the very least you’d need an extremely dexterous hand. Instead, Fwd.us’ sneaky back room dealmaking has been exposed to the world by every major news outlet from The New York Times to TechCrunch. Zuckerberg’s hired political hands have fingers made of butter.

If Zuckerberg really wants to wield influence in the immigration debate, he needs to stop pretending he’s a guest star on House of Cards and start getting serious about the issue. Though at this point, he’s probably better off recognizing Fwd.us as the failed start-up it is, folding up shop and selling the office furniture on Craigslist.

Gun Control Frustrations

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You want gun control regulations in the wake of the Newtown massacre? You’re in the majority, but that’s too damn bad. Democracy!

I typically stay out of the 2nd Amendment arguments because I think both sides are talking past each other.

Progressives tend to forget that the 2nd Amendment was not passed to protect hunting rights, but to protect the ability of people to keep their government afraid of an uprising. Telling conservatives, “you don’t need this many bullets in an automatic magazine to hunt” is beside the point and a non-sequitor.  When Sen. Feinstein says, “this gun is for hunting people,” well, no joke, an assault rifle is for hunting people, and to people who oppose gun control laws from a typically conservative perspective, that’s the point.

Imagine the most vile pat-down you’ve ever gotten or seen administered from a TSA agent. Now imagine that TSA agent in control of the government in your area with police and military resources at their disposal, and imagine that they really don’t like your family but they like your property and your kiddos. In addition to the random criminal breaking into your home, that’s who that gun is for in the mind of many die-hard gun-rights advocates.

In the modern world of drones, tanks and jets, a person with a handgun or even an assault rifle is not going to overthrow the government with it (though apparently with a bunch of IEDs you can fight our military to a standstill, but i digress), but  the gun functions as a placebo to many folks worried about oppression.

The intellectual dishonesty of the folks on my side of the political spectrum on this point is so blatant that it makes me not want to politically associate with them during this argument. A typical gun control advocate will do a tap dance that makes Billy Flynn blush to avoid acknowledging that the 2nd Amendment is about threatening the government should the government overreach. The English heritage of the colonists and the place the right to have weapons as part of a natural right to self-defense in English culture, as well as the inclusion of the well-regulated militia language, makes it clear that the amendment (and the target of the weapons) is about people, not bears or deer. Progressives will often cite the “well-regulated militia” clause of the amendment in the course of their bobbing and weaving on the topic, but that only further militates against their typical talking points. The amendment says:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

This sentence was written in a time and in a place when standing armies were considered to be one of the most pernicious threats to liberty that could exist on the planet, and the solution to provide for the common defense was to have locally trained militias that could be rallied into military forces when necessary to defend the country. The militia is implicitly set against the standing army here. A militia system is necessary to the security of a free state, and the contemporary reader at the time of the writing would have understood that this was to be in place of a standing army and a sword pointed at the throat of a sovereign who got any funny ideas about making himself or herself a military-backed tyrant.

Everything about this amendment is anachronistic: we are well past the time when even the most die-hard gun-rights advocate wants to fight an invading army with the weapons a militia could muster, and we’re well past the point where the government armed to the teeth with modern technology is going to feel threatened by even the most vicious assault rifle (though apparently some AK-47s and IEDs are all you need to fight our military to a standstill, but I digress…). None of this, however, changes the fact that the amendment rises out of the experience of various disarmament attempts by the English crown both in England and in the colonies, and preserving the people’s ability to resist tyranny through armed rebellion was one of the principle purposes that drove the Founders to include the 2nd Amendment in the Bill of Rights. Until progressives stop dancing around the historical record here, we are going to continue talking past the valid concerns of conservatives. 

Conservatives, for their part, tend to ignore the fact that the 2nd Amendment is something of an anachronism, written at a time when the founders could not possibly have imagined the destructive capabilities of modern weapons–and that absolutely would have had a bearing on the text of the amendment. Conservatives (and progressives, for that matter) also need to understand that nonviolent uprisings are much more effective than violent ones (and this is an empirically verified fact), and guns are not the things that will protect your freedom. We have decades of study and a century of people’s uprisings to study in data sets not available to the American revolutionaries/founders, and that information and experience points to a more effective (and more moral) way to win: nonviolent civil resistance. If you want to overthrow an oppressive government as a subject of that government, your chances are better and the death toll will be lower if you choose nonviolent resistance.

Until gun control advocates acknowledge the concern of gun-rights advocates and the validity of their concern, and convince them that they have a more powerful tool than guns at their disposal to address those concerns, you’re going to get exactly nowhere versus the National Rifle Association’s successful and well-funded campaign to keep gun industry customers scared out of their minds about the sound of jackboots on the doorstep. Worse, the fact that you’re trying to regulate the sale and purchase of firearms provides plausibility to the unhinged mania of the NRA’s propaganda campaign. Good job!

This brings me to my final and most frustrating objection to the way progressives participate in this debate: most liberal/progressive folks who I talk to who want gun control laws are not willing to take the full step into a nonviolent worldview, and that fact is not lost on the people they are trying to convince.

When you’re a senator or member of Congress who:

  • voted for the Iraq War,
  • voted for the invasion of Afghanistan,
  • refuses to block a president from your party from doing things like flying a drone war against dirt-poor Pakistanis and Yemenis (whom you “double tap” to kill the people who come to help the people you assert are terrorists), and
  • refuses to take a stand against the serious erosion of civil liberties and the growth of the national security state under “your” president,

…but you turn around and try to sell to gun-rights advocates that nobody needs these guns and that violence isn’t the answer, they are going to politely refer you to your voting record and tell you go f*** yourself. This is exactly the vice that Dr. King referred to in his speech at Riverside Church on the Vietnam War: you can’t sell nonviolence at home when you’re blowing the hell out of people overseas.

We can’t have the world we want to live in–a free, peaceful world–as long as both sides hold on to violence as the valid way to pursue our interests in the world.

What Do Civil Rights and Giant Sodas Have in Common?

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I’m addicted to Coke, a complete addict. I absolutely can’t kick it. If someone offered to install a Coca-Cola drip in my home whereby it’s sugary sweetness would be pumped into my mouth with just a flick of my wrist whenever I needed a fix, I have to be honest – I would be tempted to allow it. I also recognize it is like battery acid to the inside of my body and has caused two root canals and working on a third and if I stopped drinking it I’d probably lose ten pounds without even trying. So when I heard about Bloomberg’s ordinance about limiting restaurants to only serving 16oz of soda at a time, I was at first offended and a little scared this law would find it’s way to Los Angeles. But then, I thought, good for him! I don’t order supersized drinks anyway. I just refill my small sized drinks. But it is nice that someone is trying to look out for people. Also, being African American, I have to acknowledge that I am more prone to diabetes and high blood pressure and that my $20/week Coke habit is not helping the cause.

So it was with shock and awe that I saw that the NAACP and the Hispanic Federation were joining a lawsuit with American Beverage Association against the proposal to limit the size of sodas served in New York City. Why so shocked? The motive behind the lawsuit for ABA is clear: They like customers like me, the addicts that keep drinking their syrups of death and disease. But when people like Bloomberg start trying to limit people’s civil liberties, their civil right to soda and the pursuit of happiness, well that’s where they draw the line and get national civil rights organizations involved. We could argue all day that NAACP and the Hispanic Federation have become involved to fight for the civil rights of people everywhere to sell and enjoy a 32oz Root Beer, but a very simple follow-the-money Google search shows us that both companies receive funding from Coca-Cola.

Can we begrudge non-profit organizations doing good work in their communities for taking money from big corporations in order continue their services? Each organization also boasts several progressive funders as well. But when it comes to joining a lawsuit that actually harms the community for which they serve, I think it might be time to take a step back.

The Office of Minority Health reports that Hispanic Americans are 1.2 times as likely to be obese than Non-Hispanic Whites. Among Mexican American women, 78 percent are overweight or obese, as compared to only 60.3 percent of the non-Hispanic White women. In regard to African Americans, women have the highest rates of being overweight or obese compared to other groups in the U.S. In 2010, African American women were 70% more likely to be obese than Non-Hispanic White women. Now, it’s true there are other contributing factors to obesity – pizza is pretty good, so is cake and French fries…also exercising can be such a drag. We can’t just blame soda, right?

OK let’s look at diabetes. I’m not going to get into specifics of how type 2 diabetes happens (you’re born with type 1, you acquire type 2) but the amount of sugar you eat messes with how your insulin works and boom. there you are. There’s tons of sugar in soda; that’s what makes it so tasty.  African American Collaborative Obesity Network (AACORN) has a study showing that African Americans between the ages 31-50 on average consume  double the amount of sugar sweetened beverages than of white females in the same age range. African Americans are 2.2 times as likely as non-Hispanic Whites to die from diabetes and Hispanics are 1.5 times as likely as non-Hispanic Whites to die from diabetes. Sobering and kind of messed up that the NAACP and The Hispanic Federation are spending time fighting for McDonalds’ (also a funder) civil rights to continue to sell super sized Sprite.

It should be noted that Coca-Cola funding to NAACP was $100,000 for Project HELP — a program promoting healthy eating, physical activity and healthy lifestyles in African-American communities. It should also be laughed at hysterically.

It must be a challenge to be a non-profit in today’s economic climate. You want to continue to serve your community and as a result you need funding and at times that money comes from corporations and sometimes those big corporations want favors. But there has to be a time when you take a principled stance against money and against favors and say no, this is not right for us. I cannot help thinking that in a time when food deserts are rampant in under-served communities of color, immigration reform is still a thought and not a reality and we have laws that tell people they cannot marry those whom they love; these historic organizations that have fought for justice and equality could be focused on other “issues of fairness.”

In Defense of ‘Zero Dark Thirty’

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[Spoiler Alert: There’s a lot of description of the movie here; if you haven’t watched it yet, you might not want to read this]

Zero Dark Thirty opens with audio clips of emergency calls from September 11th, 2001. The screen is black. The calls are harrowing. The movie then jumps ahead several years and puts us in a CIA “black site,” where a prisoner is being tortured. An agent named Dan is doing most of the torturing, and a novice agent named Maya is watching.

It’s all very matter-of-fact. Dan says, repeatedly, “You lie to me, I hurt you.” And he does. Maya is unnerved at first, and clearly uncomfortable, but she gets over it. When she is finally – briefly – left alone with the prisoner, he tells her, “Your friend is an animal. Please help me.” She just stares blankly and tells him to help himself by telling the truth. After that she shows no compunction about torture in her obsessive hunt for Osama bin Laden. No one in this film does, really. Nor do they justify their participation in torture with long-winded speeches about fighting for democracy, or breaking a few eggs, or ends and means, or truths that you can’t handle. This is not an Aaron Sorkin movie.

Apparently, though, many of Zero Dark Thirty’s critics would prefer an Aaron Sorkin movie. Dan Froomkin wants to know why “nobody in the movie even once expresses any doubt about torture or its efficacy,” and notes the “missed opportunity to discuss the other disturbing elements of the movie,” such as the raid on Bin Laden’s compound in which the SEALs are shown killing unarmed civilians. Jane Mayer, at the New Yorker, similarly laments the lack of “a single scene in which torture is questioned.”

I understand the basic complaint here: difficult subjects call for some sort of commentary. I think it’s odd, for instance, to make a movie set against the backdrop of hydraulic fracturing without making any real comment on the continuing controversy. But “fracking” is little more than a plot device in Promised Land, whereas torture is central to Zero Dark Thirty. I would agree with the film’s critics if Zero Dark Thirty included only a brief, sterilized torture scene that yielded information but no sense of gravity. But that’s not the case. Zero Dark Thirtyspends roughly a fifth of its screentime depicting torture. And it’s rough: the tortured prisoner is strung up for hours; is deprived of sleep for days; is stuffed inside a small box; is stripped nearly naked and led along the floor in a dog collar; and is waterboarded. And this extended sequence, the film makes clear, is just one example of many; Maya searches for clues through stacks of discs on her desk, many of them recording tortured confessions. Torture is not simply an element of the story that goes unaddressed; it is a pivot on which the movie rotates.

The criticism of the film comes from several angles. One is the complaint that the film plays fast and loose with the facts, most consequentially in showing evidence gained from torture playing a key role in locating Osama Bin Laden. Not only journalists but United States Senators have made this point. This is an important debate. On the one hand, the film depicts torture as failing in several instances and shows agents themselves questioning torture’s utility (although not its morality). And the CIA (the real CIA) has essentially admitted that torture did play a small role in the search for bin Laden. On the other hand, as Zero Dark Thirty’s critics have repeatedly pointed out, the movie shows key information arising from torture sessions – if not directly then indirectly – and implies at several points that torture leads to revelation. It’s difficult – but important – to weigh the movie’s depiction of torture as instrumental in finding Osama bin Laden against its focus on torture as central to American operations, a focus that should make audiences very uncomfortable.

Another angle of criticism – more strident, and less justified – is that the film’s style and tone legitimize torture. Presumably, that claim is what led several members of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts & Sciences, including Martin Sheen, to call for a boycott. Leading the charge against Zero Dark Thirty from this particular angle is Glenn Greenwald who calls it a “torture-glorifying film.” Greenwald’s argument  comes down to what he claims is a simple equation: “There is zero doubt…that the standard viewer will get the message loud and clear: we found and killed bin Laden because we tortured The Terrorists,” he writes. Because the killing of bin Laden is considered a fundamentally good moment in U.S. foreign policy, anything that produced that moment will be considered fundamentally good as well. “For that reason, to depict X as valuable in enabling the killing of bin Laden is – by definition – to glorify X.”

That’s a pretty mechanistic understanding of movies, not to mention popular opinion, an understanding which leaves no room for interpretation or subjectivity. It’s worth noting, then, that the New York Times’s Frank Bruni disapproves of the film’s opening because torture “immediately follows a bone-chilling, audio-only prologue of the voices of terrified Americans trapped in the towering inferno of the World Trade Center. It’s set up as payback.” For Bruni, the audio clips are played to legitimize the torture that follows. Alex Gibney, on the other hand, writes: “For me, along with the very ending, this was one of the best moments in the film. The juxtaposition of the agony of 9/11 with the payback that followed…perfectly captured a bitter poetic truth about how members of the Bush Administration responded to tragedy.”

Both of these writers criticize Zero Dark Thirty for many of the same reasons that Greenwald does, but they have divergent understandings of what the film’s first five minutes mean. Despite Greenwald’s mathematical claims about the film’s unambiguous meaning, ambiguity is what makes this film work.

Greenwald’s imposition of his own black-and-white view onto a movie that is mostly grey becomes clearest when he describes the CIA agents that are at the center of the story. He calls Maya – played by Jessica Chastain – a “pure, saintly heroine,” and all of the other American characters “heroic, noble, self-sacrificing crusaders devoted to stopping The Terrorists.” The film overall is “the ultimate hagiography” of the CIA. David Clennon, one of the Academy members calling for a boycott, similarly says that the film “makes heroes of Americans who commit the crime of torture.”

It’s hard to imagine a greater misreading of Zero Dark Thirty. Maya is not pure and saintly in any sense. Her character is a cipher; we learn nothing about her backstory, about her family, about her relationships beyond one agency friendship, about her motivation for what she is doing. We don’t even know her last name. She is a nearly robotic agent, fixated on killing bin Laden and apparently interested in nothing else. The other agents and personnel are, if anything, less likable. Maya’s station chief seems to be concerned most of all with his career. One of his supervisors operates largely according to political pressure, and at one point comes into a room full of agents, bangs his fist on the table, and yells, “Find me somebody to kill!” Other than Navy SEAL Team Six (more on them later), there are almost no characters who demonstrate genuine personality, let alone heroism. There is no flag-waving, no trumpet-playing, no fireworks display in Zero Dark Thirty. The final raid is carried out with no soundtrack. When bin Laden is finally killed, it happens so fast that you don’t realize it for several seconds. And the final scene is of Maya alone in an airplane, with no pomp and circumstance and little sense of wrongs having been righted.

The most off-base statement that Greenwald makes, however, is the following:

Other than the last scene in which the bin Laden house is raided, all of the hard-core, bloody violence is carried out by Muslims, with Americans as the victims.

Yes, except for the thirty minutes of torture that open the film, torture carried out by Americans against a Muslim prisoner. In fact, the movie is bookended by scenes of American violence: the opening torture sequence and the final raid by the Navy SEALs. Those SEALs are at times a little too casual and gung ho for me, in a way that would fit better in a Schwarzenegger flick, but when the final raid is conducted it is done seriously, and with considerable collateral damage. The SEALs shoot and kill several unarmed civilians, and show only fleeting concern that they have done so.

Greenwald’s omission of CIA torture from his description of who perpetrates the violence in Zero Dark Thirty is telling, because it is that fact – American responsibility for many of the most troubling actions depicted in the film – that makes Zero Dark Thirty far more complicated than Greenwald allows.

The fact that Zero Dark Thirty puts the implements of torture firmly in American hands points to a larger, more important aspect of the debate this film inspires. Far more important than the question of whether torture works or not is the question of whether, regardless of torture’s utility, the United States should use brutal interrogation methods. The strong argument against torture is that it is immoral in any situation, independent of the results. I think this is probably the position of most critics who rely on the weaker argument – that torture never works. Presumably if it were shown that a program of torture, widespread enough to identify patterns and trends in coerced information, actually did produce reliable results, most critics would not simply say, “Well, in that case….” They would remain morally opposed to torture, because it is immoral on any terms.

If the fundamental immorality of torture is at the center of the discussion, then Zero Dark Thirty becomes a movie that asks whether the rewards of hunting and killing bin Laden were worth the costs. It doesn’t ask this question explicitly at any point, but I think it does implicitly. The ending of the movie, which even Alex Gibney likes so much, is as ambivalent as the ending of The Graduate. (Watch the movie before you dismiss that comparison). In both films, it’s not at all clear what the protagonist is thinking and whether the realization of a long-sought goal is satisfying or empty.

That is the sort of moral terrain that Zero Dark Thirty maps. It is far more uneven than the flat topography that Greenwald describes. There are plenty of reasonable criticisms to make of this movie, but simply calling it “pro-torture” sidelines the difficult question that Zero Dark Thirty suggests: how far are we willing to go in prosecuting the “war on terror,” and at what cost?

Lincoln and Lincoln

Lincoln

It has been years since history and Hollywood have had as much to say to each other – at least publicly – as they have in the last few weeks with the release and reception of Steven Spielberg’s Lincoln. Historical movies are always closely scrutinized by scholars, regardless of the topic; if someone ever finds reason to make a biopic of Calvin Coolidge – a president famous only for being dull – we’ll hear from the Coolidge experts. Spielberg’s movie on the other hand is almost designed to raise the collective antennae of all American historians: it takes place during the most-written-about event in U.S. history, depicts the most beloved president, and concerns the most difficult topic in the American past.

There are two main criticisms of Lincoln, one more widely discussed than the other. The primary criticism, articulated by Kate Masur in The New York Times, Aaron Bady at Jacobin, and Cory Robin on his own blog, is that Lincoln pays little or no attention to black agency – or black people, really – in depicting the passage of the 13th Amendment. All three writers point to the missing story of how African Americans were pivotal in putting slavery at the center of the Civil War and in putting the end of slavery at the center of Washington politics, a story that scholars have been piecing together and relating for decades. This critique is not just an important one; it is the important one in terms of the distance between Lincoln and the scholarly interpretation of the events the movie depicts. Spielberg’s film makes almost no effort to show African American participation in the long struggle to end slavery, despite the centrality of that fact in recent historiography on the Civil War period.

The critique is not without its own critics, though, summarized nicely in a roundtable discussion at The Atlantic organized by Ta-Nehisi Coates. The debate here is one of expectations rather than facts; Coates and New York Times film critic A.O. Scott don’t disagree with Masur but question whether she’s asking for too much from Hollywood. Given the constraints of big-budget movie making and history-as-entertainment, they suggest, the little ways in which Lincoln improves on earlier films about the Civil War era are worth celebrating. We’re moving slowly, but in the right direction, and we ought to appreciate that.

“Don’t make the perfect the enemy of the good,” in other words. And that aphorism-for-our-times not only applies to the critical reception of Lincoln, but to the story that Lincoln tries to tell. Lincoln writer Tony Kushner has, in fact, made the explicit comparison of the story of the thirteenth amendment’s passage to the first Barack Obama administration. The film shows Lincoln as the great compromiser of Civil War and Reconstruction period, steering a course between the rock of House Democrats and the hard place of radical Republicans. The amendment runs the gauntlet of the House of Representatives only because the most staunch advocates of racial equality sacrifice principle to pragmatism. Radicalism is avoided; moderation is rewarded.

This is the second criticism of Lincoln: that it is an unapologetic argument for the prudence of middle-of-the-road politics over the recklessness of radical change, for seeking compromise over sticking to principle, for the supposedly “serious” politics of the people in power over the naïve demands of the people out of it. Aaron Bady lays the case out better than anyone, and it’s hard to argue with, given – as Bady points out – Kushner’s antiquated and reactionary views about Reconstruction.

I think Bady’s right, and that his criticisms are crucial. But I also think that his take is not the only way to view Lincoln, and that he overstates his critique. Movies are not made by one person, and regardless of what Kushner’s or Spielberg’s particular intentions were it’s not only possible to read the movie in a different way but hard not to. Some of the things Bady writes off as incidental are what make Lincoln more nuanced than he allows. Thaddeus Stevens, for instance, the radical foil to Lincoln’s fence-sitting, is for Bady saved from being a complete caricature “only because [Tommy] Lee Jones brings too much gravitas to the part.” This was not likely an accident; no filmmaker makes casting decisions lightly, much less with someone like Jones, the only actor in the film other than Sally Field with the star power and charisma to match Day-Lewis’s (Hal Holbrook barely gets any screen time). But it would be hard to call Stevens a caricature even if he were played by some frumpy unknown from central casting, given that the movie pays him more close attention and allows him more depth than any other character not named “Lincoln.”

Bady accuses the film of reproducing “the usual hagiography of Lincoln.” That also seems like an odd charge. Yes, Lincoln is larger-than-life and in the spotlight the entire time, and given the usual Spielberg treatment. But Lincoln is also a president who admits to stretching the law beyond its limits in order to get what he wants; who seriously considers prolonging the war and letting thousands more die in order to give his legislation a better chance of passing; who has his secretary of state twist arms and dangle political favors in exchange for votes; and who at one point, fed up with the debate among his cabinet members, stands up imperiously and yells “I am clothed in immense power,” and so shut up and do what I say. This is all to say nothing of the way the president treats his family, which is far from flattering.

Bady is especially concerned, I think, with pulling back the curtain to show what the Great Oz is up to. But the intent of the filmmakers does not always determine the meaning of a film, and that is especially true here. If Spielberg’s and Kushner’s intention was to make a film that champions moderation and compromise over principle, Lincoln becomes all the more interesting as a movie that demonstrates just how difficult it is to make that argument convincingly. There are probably few movies more at odds with their own score; anybody paying attention will find it jarring to listen to John Williams’s triumphal crescendo at the moment that Stevens declares that he does not, in fact, believe all people are equal. If Spielberg honestly intended the moment to be a heroic one, he failed to make it so, and that failure leaves the audience with conflicted sentiments about the democratic process.

That’s Stevens’s most cynical moment, but not his only one. My personal favorite is the private conversation between the congressman and Lincoln, in which the president makes the standard “But what the people want…” argument, and Stevens replies that he doesn’t actually give a shit about “the people.” Lincoln does not object. He can’t – he has already tried to bargain for the support of several constituents and hired political operatives to buy off House votes. The exchange is actually sort of quaint; one assumes that congresspeople today never actually bring up “the people” in serious conversation unless the cameras are rolling.

If this is all a justification for moderation and for the Obama Administration, it’s one that Barack Obama would probably not be thrilled about. The movie portrays Washington , D.C. as largely divorced from the electorate, let alone the non-voting public; as a place that subordinates principle to cold, political calculations; and as a world where rules exist only for those without the power to break them. What’s so odd about the debate over Lincoln is that, in at least one sense, its critics want a more triumphal tale than the movie is willing to give: Masur, Robin, and Bady would like to hear more about how Washington, D.C. responded to the influence of the most marginalized Americans. That is a profoundly important story, but it’s not the one that Lincoln – whether by design or by accident – set out to tell.

The World Begins Anew: Zapatistas Demonstrate Against the Resurrected PRI

EZLN

Yesterday, the world’s tinfoil fringe thanked its various deities for the fact that their gross misunderstanding of the Mayan belief system did not in fact bring the world to an end. In Mexico itself, meanwhile, tens of thousands of people acknowledged a much more worldly significance to the date: the eve of the anniversary of the Acteal massacre 15 years ago.

On December 22, 1997, close to four years after the armed insurrection by the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) against the government of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), militants allied with the PRI crept into a poor Indian village in Chiapas State whose residents were known to be sympathetic to the Zapatista movement. There, they gunned down 45 defenseless civilians while they prayed for peace in a chapel, among them 21 women — five of them pregnant — and 15 children.

Last year, relatives of victims of the massacre, under anonymity, filed suit in U.S. court against then-president Ernesto Zedillo for crimes against humanity (Zedillo currently lives in Connecticut and teaches at Yale, serving as director of the Center for the Study of Globalization). The suit contends that Zedillo’s administration walked away from peace accords signed in 1996 and resorted to a military crackdown after a report from Chase Manhattan Bank counseled the Mexican government “to eliminate the Zapatistas.” Zedillo, the complaint alleges, had knowledge of and promoted the formation of the paramilitary group that carried out the slaughter, then covered up his involvement after the massacre. (Some allege that the case is part of a political vendetta against Zedillo, speculating the involvement of his predecessor, Carlos Salinas de Gortari.)

The U.S. State Department has recommended immunity for Zedillo in the case.

After 12 years out of power, this month marked the return of the PRI to the National Palace in Mexico City, in the person of newly elected President Enrique Peña Nieto. His inauguration two and a half weeks ago was received with massive street protests by thousands of people all over the city, including violent confrontations between hundreds of protesters and police immediately outside the barricades erected around the Legislative Palace to protect the new regime from an anticipated civil uprising and to prevent disruption of the ceremonies.

Yesterday, thousands of Zapatistas donned the movement’s trademark black ski masks and converged on the centers of cities, towns and villages all over Chiapas to memorialize the massacre and demonstrate opposition to the PRI’s return to power.

Lorenzo Tlacaelel Lambertino, a blogger originally from Oaxaca, writes:

EZLN groups in this action have gathered by foot and by bus into the municipal centers of Ocosingo, San Cristobal de Las Casas, Las Margaritas, and Palenque among others. Preliminary estimates project a total possible mobilization of 30 to 50 thousand people from the Los Altos and Jungle regions of Chiapas. The action was nonviolent and extremely orderly. Men, women, and children wore black hoods covering their face, with a red bandana around their necks and green, white, and red ribbons, well known as the three colors of Mexico’s flag. ‘Subcommandante’ Marcos, the famous and outspoken public relations officer for the EZLN, did not make a presence.

Yesterday marked the end of the Mayan calendar and the beginning of a new cycle. It may also have marked the beginning of a new cycle of resistance in Chiapas to the resurrected hegemony of the PRI.

Photo: Trailofdead1, Creative Commons

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Gun Control and Mental Illness

Gun

Following last week’s horrific massacre in Newtown, two enormous social problems have moved to the center of the public debate: lack of access to adequate mental health treatment, and the prevalence of guns in this country.

The focus on each is appropriate, given the toxic combination of the two that gave rise to the atrocity, the same deadly mixture that was at work in Aurora, at Virginia Tech, in Oak Creek, Tucson, Columbine and far too many other places in recent years.

Both are not equal, however, when it comes to the causes of gun violence in America. The lack of treatment for mental illness in this country is a serious problem and it belongs at the center of the discussion around this plague of mass shootings that seems nowhere near its end. But to the extent that some are presenting it as a more fundamental issue than the prevalence of firearms in the larger context of American gun violence, they’re losing sight of the forest for the trees. To be sure, serial mass shootings by severely deranged individuals are almost certainly a symptom of untreated mental illness in America. But the much vaster epidemic of day-to-day gun-related homicides is not. Most people who deliberately kill other people with guns are not mentally disturbed; they’re driven by murderous but nevertheless rational or at least sane motivations. There’s more than guns at play in these crimes, of course: there’s poverty, lack of opportunity, a culture of violence, our perverted sense of masculinity. But easy access to guns ranks far higher on the list of factors in most gun murders than the dearth of mental health treatment.

That’s not to say that mental health isn’t a fundamentally important problem, and addressing it may in fact do more to prevent these horrific mass shootings than gun control. But it is to say that gun control would have a far greater impact on stemming the everyday epidemic of gun violence that occurs in cities all over America, which, after all, accounts for the overwhelming majority of gun-related murders. The focus on mental health is critical, but we should not let it crowd out the imperative of more restrictive regulations on guns.

As things currently stand, our legislative record is pathetic on both counts. At the root of the failure in both cases is the ascendancy of libertarianism in our political culture: the obsession with a narrowly conceived notion of “individual freedom” that has engendered the widespread fetishization of the Second Amendment, and the recklessly tenacious conservative commitment to de-funding the social safety net even for those who are psychologically and emotionally incapable of functioning in society without it.

It’s encouraging to see the tide finally turning on gun regulation, with pro-gun rights lawmakers beginning to change their tune and pro-gun control legislators finding the courage to introduce new legislation. It was only a month ago that Republicans tried to attach an amendment to the annual defense appropriations bill that would have prevented the Department of Veterans Affairs from sharing names of veterans who have been deemed mentally incompetent with the FBI for the purpose of factoring them into background checks on firearms acquisitions. In other words, the Republicans wanted to make it easier for mentally unstable people to purchase guns — at least when those people are military veterans. The bill that the amendment was based on, it’s worth noting, is also co-sponsored by two Democrats: the swaggering Senators Jim Webb of Virginia and Jon Tester of Montana.

Hopefully, in the wake of Sandy Hook, such regressive measures are dead forever, or at least for the foreseeable future. On Sunday, 31 pro-gun Senators turned down invitations to appear on Meet The Press to recite their talking points on the Second Amendment. If now is not the time to pass legislation tightening regulations on guns, there will likely be no such time.

As our bloody recent history has shown, though, America has a short attention span. Before the new Congress takes its seats, the NRA could have its Facebook page back up again, and we could be back to arguing over protecting the freedom of Americans to own guns instead of the freedom to drop our kids off at school without fearing they’ll find themselves in the middle of a shooting rampage or in the crossfire of a gun fight. If that happens, we will have to put another intractable social problem at the very top of the list of causes of epidemic gun violence in America: the total, utter failure of our political leadership to look beyond ideology and special interest lobbying even for a purpose as basic as protecting the lives of children.

Let’s hope that day does not arrive.

Photo: Creative Commons, Gideon Tsang

25 to See Before You Lose Your Liberal Sensibilities: Number 2

Better This World (2011)

Better This World (2011), Directed by: Kelly Duane de la Vega and Katie Galloway

I’ve always been the type of person that was socially conscious. I got it from my father, who got it from his parents, who most likely got it from their parents. But they weren’t activists. I was always disappointed that neither of my parents marched on Washington or took on the man by sitting at lunch counters or being Freedom Riders. I remember hearing Tom Hayden say once that there was this national misconception that people who weren’t around in the ’60s seemed to think that those ten years were just about marching and fighting and protest, but there were regular people, folks who just wanted to live their lives, just as there are today. There were people who were just working to get by. For most of my life I was socially conscious, doing what I could for others, volunteering when I could, but mostly I just wanted to live my life. Everyone that becomes “engaged” in the world of activism has a moment that pushes them into action. For me it was the time period of the 1998 murder of Matthew Shepard and the 1999 shootings at Columbine.

I am extremely lucky that I came of age politically in the wake of those events because I had just moved from uber conservative Indiana to Chicago to attend college with many like-minded young adults. I was able to feed off of them and a few hippies-turned-professors, and they served as mentors guiding me on my journey to becoming an angry little activist, helping me channel energy into various forms of positive expression.

David McKay, Better This World

That solid mentor or support group is what two boyhood friends from Midland, Texas desperately needed as they found their footing before the 2008 Republican National Convention. The mentor they found ended up costing them more than they could have imagined. Better This World takes a look at the case of David McKay (22) and Bradley Crowder (23), who are accused of domestic terrorism thanks to FBI informant and former radical leader and activist Brandon Darby. The filmmakers originally set out to follow Darby as well as Crowder and McKay but upon learning that their side would also be told, Brandon Darby dropped out of the filming process, leaving the filmmakers scrambling to put their film together without his voice. By using interview footage, radio interviews and an actor for voiceover, what they were able to do to capture his story turns out to be creative and a refreshing take on documentary narrative.

Brandon Darby is integral to the story because he serves as David and Matt’s ever important guide on their way through activism. A long time radical activist, Darby mentors them and helps them plan for the events that unfold at the 2008 RNC. He encourages them to take the actions that eventually get them both charged as terrorists and lands McKay in federal prison for four years and Crowder for two. Darby gives the guys the idea to make Molotov cocktails and tries to get them to throw them at a nearby police station. The two young men flatly refuse several times out of fear of what the repercussions of their actions might be. But Darby continues to harass the young men well into the early morning hours, pushing them to use the explosives. Neither Crowder nor McKay ever used any of the Molotov cocktails that were made. No one was killed, injured or harmed in any way. In November of this year a drunk driver was also given four years in prison for killing a jogger. That’s justice.

Bradley Crowder works with his attorney.

Some call what the FBI orchestrated with the assistance of Brandon Darby “entrapment,” others say he exposed the willingness of two would-be terrorists, I think it’s absolutely terrifying. These were kids with something important to say, looking to a mentor to help them express themselves. If you have ever been inspired to act, if you have ever wanted to fight the establishment, if you have ever seen an injustice in the world and thought, “That’s complete bullshit — we have to change that!,” then you must see this film before you become the establishment and decide that these kids got what was coming to them. Because it’s only a miracle that what happened to these two young men hasn’t happened to you.

In case you’re interested, Brandon Darby is now a regular writer for Breitbart and does not like it when people on Twitter call him a douchebag or a coward. He is also quite proud of his work as an informant.

ELF Activist Daniel McGowan Released After 7 Years in “Little Guantanamo”

danielsanta

Daniel McGowan is not a household name. Even among people who have devoted years of their lives fighting to protect the natural world from the predations of capitalism, his role in the history of the environmental movement is marginal and obscure.

It shouldn’t be. McGowan’s story tells us too much about the desperate situation we’re in — politically as well as ecologically — to be dismissed as a sideshow in the struggle to curb the excesses of human consumption before they destroy us.

Outside of radical circles, McGowan’s story is best known from its telling in last year’s Oscar-nominated documentary “If A Tree Falls.” McGowan was one of a dozen underground environmental and animal rights activists with the Earth Liberation Front and its sister movement, the Animal Liberation Front, who were swept up in a two year, multi-agency, multi-jurisdictional investigation called ‘Operation Backfire,’ which culminated in a series of high-profile arrests and prosecutions at the end of 2005 and beginning of 2006. (Two weeks ago, Rebecca Rubin, one of the three remaining fugitives in the investigation, turned herself in at the U.S.-Canada border.) The activists were charged with committing a series of arsons and other property crimes against numerous targets that they deemed to be agents of environmental destruction and animal exploitation, including U.S. Forest Service ranger stations, a horse slaughterhouse, a dairy farm, lumber company facilities, SUV dealerships, wild horse corrals, a university horticultural research center, a meat company, and, most famously, the Vail Ski Resort.

Though none of the crimes targeted people nor resulted in human death or injury, the Justice Department wasted little time in publicly declaring the arrestees “terrorists.” At a 2006 press conference announcing the defendants’ indictments, FBI Director Robert Mueller referred to perpetrators of environmental and animal rights-related crimes as one of the agency’s “highest domestic terrorism priorities.” Congress passed legislation later that year specifically singling out animal rights activists for enhanced criminal penalties, classifying property crimes against industries that exploit animals and even, in some contexts, First Amendment activities directed at agents of those industries, as “terrorism.” No such special legislation has ever been passed to selectively brand white supremacists, anti-abortion extremists, anti-immigrant vigilantes and right-wing militias — all of which have targeted, injured and killed humans — as terrorists.

In an interview with the Eugene Weekly in 2007, David Iglesias, the former federal prosecutor for New Mexico who was terminated by Attorney General Alberto Gonzales in the 2006 U.S. Attorney firing scandal, called the terrorism charges “political” and “overreaching.” “It seems to me what happened here should not fit my traditional definition of what terrorism is,” Iglesias explained.

McGowan was detained in two different prisons, both of them belonging to a category of new experimental facilities called “Communications Management Units,” or CMUs (he also spent a brief period of his incarceration in general population). CMUs were built to contain low-level terrorists rounded up in the War on Terror; most of their inmates are alleged to be connected to Islamic networks. They are designed to severely restrict and control the amount and nature of prisoners’ communications with the outside world, earning them the nickname among inmates and prison staff of “Little Guantanamo,” according to journalist Will Potter. For several years, their existence was kept secret. There are only two CMUs in the United States, in Illinois and Indiana; McGowan served time in both.

This week, after seven years in federal prison, McGowan was released. For the next six months, he will be living in a halfway house in New York City, and then be under supervised release for three years before he is finally free from the terms of his sentence.

It’s easy to ignore McGowan’s story, to write it off as a criminal psychodrama a world away from the mainstream currents of today’s environmental movement. At the time when McGowan’s ELF cell was still operational, many advocacy groups were subjected to enormous pressure to make that chasm as wide as possible, or risk being marginalized themselves. To help discredit the political content of their crimes, prosecutors, politicians, law enforcement officers and the media have demonized ELF and ALF activists as terrorists, sociopaths, ordinary criminals hiding behind an ideology or, at best, naïve kids with overly romantic notions of what it means to fight for a cause.

A more disinterested, less agenda-driven observer, however, might recognize the near inevitability of the ELF movement’s dialectical emergence out of a prevailing political culture that has stubbornly refused to even begin to address some of the most dire and vexing problems facing every living thing on the planet. When mainstream political institutions fail to rise to the scale and urgency of epochal crises like global warming, deforestation or massive species extinction — in some cases, even failing to acknowledge their reality — among those who understand what’s at stake, there will be some who are driven to desperate acts.

The ELF and ALF could never be the solution to the problems they point to, but neither are they merely incidental to them: radical movements tend to be harbingers of the struggles to come when ossified political systems bury their heads in the sand instead of measuring up to the profound challenges they face and to their own internal contradictions. Rather than vilify McGowan as a terrorist or mythologize him as a martyr for the earth, we should consider his story for what it tells us about a civilization so blind to its circumstances that it provokes individuals to engage in extreme political acts and risk serving years in Little Guantanamos in order to do something to stem an unfolding catastrophe.

Photos: NYC Anarchist Black Cross (with permission)